“Вавилонската
кула”, П.
Брьогел Потомците
на Ной
решили да
построят
кула по-висока
от небето.
Като научил
за това дръзко
начинание
Йехова
направил
така, че събраните
за строежа
хора да
говорят
различни езици.
И това проваля
великото
начинание.
Вавилонската
кула е
символ на
неадек-ватни
човешки
свръхамбиции,
гордост,
подценява- щи слабостите на човешката природа. А при Брьогел я виждаме като кон-кретна алегория за плановете на испанския крал да обедини Холандия с Испания като за целта дори направи първата админи-стративен център на страната. |
|
“The Babylon tower”, P. Bruegel The descendants of Noah decided to build a tower
suffi-ciently high to defy the sky. When Jehovah learned about these proud
endeavours, he made so that assembled work-men speak various
languages. That led to anarchy and stopped the
con-struction.So the Babylon tower is a symbol of the inadequate human
ambitions and pride ignoring reality and the limitations of human nature. In Bruegel we see it as a concrete
allegory of the plans of the Spanish king to unite with the Netherlands
envisaged even as the administrative centre of the union – to promote
cohesion. |
*********The
European Referendum Campaign (ERC)*********
НАШЕТО
БЛИЗКО
БЪДЕЩЕ “СЕЩ” След
4-5 години
нашата
малка,
неразвита страна (управлявана
и
разрушавана
все
още от
пост-комунисти) влиза в
една
мега-държава
с 500 млн.
население. Тази
държава сега
възниква
– “Европейските
Съединени
Щати”, сега се
прави
конституцията
й – определя се организацията
на
публичната
власт, начина
на
управление,
под който ще
живеем (и ние) утре. Трима
наш
представители
са
допуснати
да участват
в
изработването
– двама от
парламента
и един от
правителството. Но
ще
представят
ли те
адекватно
нашите интереси. И кого
представляват
всъщност? Те
претендират,
че
представляват
всичи
граждани на
България.
Де-факто
представляват
пост-комунистическия
елит. Кой
какво иска и
от какво се
нуждае в
бъдещия “общ
дом” СЕЩ
– било това мега-държава
или нещо
друго? Чии и
какви са
засегнатите
и “играещите”
интереси? Различните
нации могат
се
нуждаят от
различни
неща, т.е. да
имат
различни
интереси. Между
последните
може да
няма колизия,
но може и да
има. Това
е един
проблем. Националните
елити
може да
искат неща
различни от
това, което искат
техните
народи, т.е. да
имат
различни от
техните
интереси. И
тези
различни
интереси
може да не са
в конфликт
помежду си,
но понякога
са.
Това е друг
проблем. И още
един,
разбира се,
са
различията
и сблъсъците
между тези
обособени
интереси на
различните
елити –
национални
или
над-национални. Сблъсакът
на интереси
е познат,
легитимен и
нормален
проблем при
всяко общо
начинание. Не е
точно така с
проблема за
представеността
на
интересите.
Не всички
засегнати
интереси
“играят” в
проектирането
и строителството
на “общия дом” (вж.
картина;),
някои… са
поизключени.
И това е
проблем, но останал някак
си вън от
обединителното
начинание. А
всъщност не
е! Ние
сме гражданите на
всички тези
страни. И
евентуално –
на новата
обединена
държава. Какво
искаме? Искаме
по-добър
живот.
И какво
общо има
това с
организациата
на
публичната
власт?;) Предполага
се, че всеки
иска от
своята държава
най-добро
обслужване
на неговите/нейните
публични
интереси.
Нали затова
е държавата –
да служи на
всички. Поне
по
определение. Но
след като
все още (повече
или по-малко) не е
така, ние,
народите
все още се
борим за контрол
върху
нашите
държави –
искаме
повече
реална
власт.
Защото
макар и провъзгласени
за суверен,
на практика
и в контретните
закони ние
сме повече
или по-малко
изключени
от
определянето
на
политиката
и ТОВА
изглежда е
основната
причина за
слабото
представяне
и
некачествените
услуги на
нашите
публични
(национални
или над-национални)
служители. Така
че това,
което
искаме е
повече и
реална
власт.
Беше
по-добър
живот… но
точно това
не се
получава,
ако сме
изключени
от управлението
на нашите
общи
(публични)
проблеми. Реално
включване е
постижимо,
ако се добави
пряка
демокрация.
Така мислим.
Дори
представителите
не ни
представляват
добре без
определена
“доза” пряко
наше
участие в
правенето
на
политиката. Първото,
което
искаме е
инструменти
за гражданско
участие,
вградени в
бъдещата
държава. (вж. списък) Второ,
искаме
реално да
участваме в
проектирането
на тази
държава. Първото
не става без
второто….
Оттук
идеята и
кампанията
за приемане
на
европейската
конституция
с
референдум.
Кой би искал
да проектират
бъдещия му
дом без
негово
участие? Тони
Блеаровци
ни казват:
Спокойно, don’t worry, be
happy – ние ви чуваме.
Нашата
чудесна
парламентарна
система осигурява
представителност
на вашите
истереси. Няма
нужда от референдум… И? Ура?
Никакви
проблеми с
демокрацията
в бъдещата
Европейска
държава? Е да
обаче, вече не
вярваме:( – на
старата
“чудесна”
представителна
система.
Наистина
твърде
СТАРА,
прекалено
позната и…
безнадеждна.
|
OUR NEAR FUTURE “USE”
In
4-5 years our small under-developed country (still ruled and ruined by
post-communists) is going to enter a mega-state with a population of 500
millions. This state is still emerging – “The United States of Europe” and
now its constitution is being drafted – the organisation of the public power,
the pattern of governance that we shall live under tomorow. Three
our representatives are allowed to participate in the drafting – two from our
Parliament and one from the Government. But
will they represent our interests adequately? Whom do they actually represent
there? They pretend to represent all the people of Bulgaria. De-facto they
represent ONLY the post-communist elite. Who
wants (needs) what in the future common ‘home’ “EUS” be it mega-state or
something else? Whose and what are the interests - (1) concerned and (2)
playing. Different
nations may want different
things if they have different interests. These may not collide but
sometimes do. That is one problem. The
elites of the nations
may want different things from their own nations having different from
their peoples’ interests. They may not collide but sometimes do. That is
another problem. And
still another are the differences and collisions between
these narrow elites’ interests of
different elites – national and supra-national. Collision
of interests is well-known, legitimate and normal problem in every common
endeavour. That’s
not exactly the case with the issue of representation
of the interests. Not all of the interests concerned are also
‘playing’ – represented - having a say in the ongoing designing and construction
of the ‘common home’. (see picture;) Some are excluded. And this problem is somehow outside of the agenda of the integrative endeavour. We
are the citizens of all these countries and
the future citizens of the new state. What do we want? We
want a better life. Has that something to do with the organisation of the
public power?;) Presumably
everybody wants from his/her state (be it
his/her national state
or multinational mega-state)
the best public service of his/her public
interests. That’s what a state is for – to serve all the people. By definition. But…
that still is not the case we (more
or less), the people still fight
for control over their states –they want more and real power. Because though
declared a sovereign, IN PRACTICE and also in the laws’ CONCRETE REGULATIONS
they are more
or less excluded from the making
of politics and THAT seems to be the major
reason for the still poor performance of the national or supra-national
‘public servants’. So
we want more and real power. Because
we can’t have a better life if we are excluded from the management of our
common public interests. Inclusion
can be achieved (we
argue) by ‘adding
direct democracy’.
Representatives are not enough and not representative
without a certain dose of direct civic
participation in policy-making. So in the first place, we want participatory ‘devices’ (see list) incorporated in the constitution of the
future state. Second, we want to participate and have a real say (input) in the designing of the new ‘building’. We
cannot get the first without the second – hence all that campaign for
European constitutional referendum. We don’t
want our future ‘home’ designed without us.
Tony
Blairs tell us: Take it easy, don’t worry, be happy – you are heard by us. Our magnificent parliamentary system
ensures deliberation. No referendum needed… Well
then what? Hurray? No problems with future European democracy? This
time however we don’t trust the old
‘magnificent’ representative system! It is really too OLD and too notorious,
and we are fed up with it. |
Concerning the European Referendum Campaign we should be know that
referendums and DD instruments can be and are often misused by politicians to
provide an illusion of democracy and legitimise undemocratic initiatives as “democratic”.
So
if we
campaign for participation ONLY in the
ADOPTION of the constitution (by referendum) AND NOT also for RIGHTS OF PARTICIPATION in the very text of the
constitution, the voters (given the closeness, conservative and conformist
stand of the mainstream media) will not notice the loop-holes and
will vote ‘YES’ for their own deprivation of participatory rights – happy that
they are at all invited to ‘participate’ in the making of NEW
Europe.
Without explicite demands
for participatory rights in the text of the Constitution the European Referendum Campaign is serving the elites
who need to regain popular confidence and legitimise their rule without sharing real power with the people.
Undemocratic constitution adopted by referendum is exactly what they need – creating an illusion of
democratic decision-making while giving no rights
of such in the future European constitution. And they can always tell us
then – YOU voted for it.
So if we couldn’t mobilize
the citizens of Europe to obtain such rights in the draft we should at least help them to :
(1)
understand
that they are deprived of something important (participatory rights) by Giscard’s draft and
(2)
vote «NO» to that draft.
Here is the sad account of
defining ‘participatory rights’ in all the drafts produced by the Convention:
Preliminary draft /28.10.2002/
…
ARTICLE 34: This article sets out the principle of PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY. The Institutions are to ensure a high level of openness, permitting citizens'organisations of all kinds to play a full part in the Union's affairs. |
In the Second draft /02.04.2003/ the principle of participatory democracy is “specified”
in a “right to participate”. What is tauthology?;o]
Article 34: The principle of participatory democracy
|
No specific participatory rights are defined, voting for deputies of the European
Parliament remaining the only act of direct civic participation in
decision-making.
But
even that seemed too much to someone and… in the Third draft /28.05.2003/ even
that meager void ‘right
to participate’ VANISHED. Without any comments or explanation:
Article
I-46: The principle of
participatory democracy
|
The “participatory democracy” granted by the “founding fathers” is reduced to
‘participation’ ONLY in “exchange of views”, “dialogue” and “consultations”… NOT in decision-making.
And,
what a surprise – in the final Draft of 12.06.2003 we get a little “sweet” to
make us happy:
Article I-46: The principle of participatory
democracy The Union Institutions shall, by appropriate
means, give citizens and representative associations the opportunity to make known and publicly
exchange their views on all areas of Union action. The Union Institutions shall maintain an
open, transparent and regular dialogue with representative associations and civil society. 3. The Commission shall carry out broad
prior consultations with parties concerned in order to ensure that the Union's actions are coherent
and transparent. 4. A significant number of
citizens, no less than one
million, coming from a significant number of Member States may invite the Commission to submit any appropriate proposal on matters where citizens consider
that a legal act of the Union is required for the purpose of implementing
this Constitution. A European law shall determine the provisions for the
specific procedures and conditions required for such a citizens' request. |
And all that stingy ‘trimming’
and ‘retriming’ took place after 25 members of
the Convention had proposed a
specific formula of real civic participation:
ART 34
EUROPEAN CITIZENS' LEGISLATION
(1) European citizens’ legislation The citizens
of Europe have the right
to participate in the
legislative activity of the European Union by means of the European Citizens Legislative Initiative and the European Citizens Referendum. (2) Further requirements Further provisions that particularly
regulate the specific procedures, the numbers of signatures that have to be
gathered and the majority requirements are to be laid down in an
institutional act. Notes and Appendices
The effect of the above
proposals is to bring Europe closer to the people, as Laeken recommended. It
represents a large step in the democratisation of the Union. It undoubtedly
enhances the role of the European citizen in shaping the future of the
European Union. The Constitution will only govern the basic rights and
instruments. Further procedures have to be laid down in a European law. The
idea of the European Citizens’ Legislative Initiative is that the citizens
can present a law proposal to the relevant organs of the European Union.
These organs have then to decide whether they will adopt the proposal or not.
If the organs don't adopt the proposal, then a
binding referendum on the proposed law or proposed framework law must take
place. Fair and balanced information on the
issues must be provided to the electorate. We also propose to create a
European Citizens’
Legislative Submission which would extend the existing right of
petition to a right of the citizens to present legislative
proposals to the relevant organs of the EU. They have then to decide
whether legislative action will be taken or not.
|
Supported by:
Instead
of real rights some crumbs, in fact a semblance of participation was grnted to
the citizens in the final Draft, nameley - the “right” to “invite” (actually to BEG) the Commission
(not even the Parliament) to “submit” our prposals to the deciding bodies of
the Union. IF the officials there found them “appropriate”. };o)
What
else can we add to that sad story - a humble campaign gets a humble reward. We
do not want to underestimate the great efforts of our civic activists in
Brussels but we should be aware that a handful of NGOs cannot make great difference
in the big power game.
Let’s
consider that the ‘good news’ after that Convention experience is the death of the illusion that real civic power can be
gained by NGO lobbying.